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In previous posts, I’ve talked about my qualifications for mayor based on my election performance and outlined my skills in my letter to City Council offering to serve as Interim Mayor. But I wanted to share something I rarely discuss: how I got to this point.

I was raised Catholic. I attended Catholic school and went to Mass twice a week — at school on Fridays and with my family on Sundays. You could find us every Sunday in the second row, on the left, toward the middle. That experience shaped me so deeply that even today, I feel uncomfortable sitting anywhere but slightly left of center at movies or performances.

One of the most formative lessons I took to heart was the Parable of the Good Samaritan — the idea that you should help others, even if they don’t look like you.

At age seven, when I first became aware of the power of the presidency, I decided I wanted to grow up and become President. Not because I wanted to tell people what to do, but because I believed the most powerful person in the world could help more people than anyone else.

That desire to help others has guided my life choices ever since.

In grade school, my book reports were always about famous leaders — figures like MacArthur, Napoleon, and Charlemagne- trying to decipher what makes a leader. I paid close attention in history and social studies, and when given the chance for electives in high school, I chose classes like Russian History to better understand politics beyond U.S. borders.

After graduating high school, I enlisted in the Marine Corps. I felt that if I ever had to send troops to war, I should understand the gravity of what that truly meant. I also believed the military had become more inclusive after Clinton’s “Don’t Ask, Don’t Tell,” and I was proud to serve in what felt like a more representative institution.

Bill Clinton’s affair and the ensuing scandal also influenced me. It disappointed me deeply because it jeopardized his ability to help the people who elected him. That experience is part of why I waited until my mid-30s to get married and have children — I wanted a stable family life before ever running for office.

In college, I studied electoral systems, constitutional law, and everything else that led to my Political Science degree. After graduating in December 2003, I left for New Hampshire to work on the John Edwards presidential campaign because I believed in his “People First” campaign. When that ended, I served as body man and finance manager for Wayne Goodwin’s race for North Carolina Commissioner of Labor, hoping I could help labor interests closer to home.

I then built a financial planning practice from the ground up. I chose financial planning — not just investments — because I wanted to help regular families who, like my own parents, didn’t have good financial guidance while I was growing up. My goal was to help people buy homes, send kids to college, and retire comfortably- not to help rich people get richer. Twelve years later, I sold the practice when the industry shifted away from serving those middle-class families.

I started a Toastmasters club to improve my public speaking and leadership skills, eventually earning Competent Speaker and Competent Leader awards and serving as Area Governor, knowing even great ideas suffer from bad communication and nothing gets accomplished in poorly run meetings, even with good intent.

Although I was interested in elected office, I stayed somewhat peripheral in my political activism while building my business, being wary of party politics. But after 2016, I knew I needed to step up. I organized my precinct, served as precinct chair, joined the Biddleville-Smallwood neighborhood board (focusing on responsible growth even as a gentrifier myself), and helped organize more precincts in 2020 than ever before in Charlotte.

After the 2024 Harris campaign loss and the sharp decline in support from male voters, I started the Democratic Men of Mecklenburg County. I created the organization to re-engage men in Democratic politics, foster honest conversations about why they were disengaging, and rebuild a sense of belonging for them within the party.

I ran for U.S. Senate in 2022 and U.S. House in 2024 knowing I couldn’t win, but believing competitive races and strong voices matter, hoping to help the party achieve it’s electoral goals. I ran for Charlotte Mayor in 2025 for the same reason — to offer innovative, comprehensive solutions when others didn’t step up.

That’s why I’ve also offered to serve as Interim Mayor. My commitment has always been to help others in the best way I can — sometimes unorthodox, often misunderstood, but always with an eye toward serving people, even when they don’t look like me.

While it may seem like I just showed up yesterday, I’ve spent my entire life preparing for today.

Brendan K. Maginnis
Democratic Candidate for Interim Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

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Solving Homelessness in Charlotte: Compassion That Pays for Itself

Most Democratic elected officials in Charlotte lead with empathy, focusing on issues with the greatest moral urgency. Their pitch for solutions often continues in the language of compassion and moral duty. In contrast, Republican lawmakers in the GOP-controlled North Carolina General Assembly tend to evaluate policies through a bottom-line, economic lens. This creates a natural dissonance between Democratic-led Charlotte and the state legislature. To actually solve problems and get funding approved, we must speak the language the NCGA understands: fiscal responsibility. Homelessness is the perfect example.

The Current Reality in Charlotte

As of 2026, Mecklenburg County has roughly 2,000–2,500 people experiencing homelessness on any given night, according to the latest State of Housing Instability and Homelessness Report. A significant portion remains unsheltered, living in tents, cars, or on the streets. This includes families, single mothers with children, older adults, and veterans. The human cost is heartbreaking: children miss school, seniors face health crises, and single mothers struggle to find stability. The financial cost to taxpayers is equally staggering, with millions spent annually on emergency rooms, jails, shelters, and crisis services that deliver little lasting progress.

The Proven Economic Case: Finland’s Housing First Model

Finland has shown the world a smarter path. By adopting Housing First — providing permanent housing first, without preconditions like sobriety or treatment compliance, then offering voluntary support services — Finland reduced long-term homelessness by over 75% since the late 1980s. Multiple independent studies confirm that every euro invested in permanent housing saves society €15,000–€52,000 ($16,000–$56,000) per person per year through dramatically lower healthcare costs, reduced jail time, fewer police calls, and decreased shelter usage.

Closer to home, Charlotte’s own Housing First programs have demonstrated similar results. Local evaluations, including reports from Housing First Charlotte-Mecklenburg, show clear cost savings through fewer emergency room visits, hospital days, and arrests. Housing people first is not only kinder — it is significantly cheaper than the current cycle of crisis management.

A Charlotte Solution: Intergenerational Supportive Housing

One solution that begins taking meaningful steps toward this goal is the development of intergenerational supportive housing targeted at older adults and single mothers with children.

These would be permanent, affordable apartment buildings featuring:

• Private apartments with full kitchens and bathrooms for dignity and independence

• Shared commercial kitchens where residents rotate cooking duties (single mothers cook only once a week)

• Shared recreational and childcare spaces where older residents help watch children in exchange for companionship and light support

• On-site case management, job training, mental health services, and senior programming

This Swedish- and Finnish-inspired model reduces isolation for seniors, provides natural, flexible childcare for single mothers (freeing them to work or attend school), and dramatically lowers overall public costs while building community connections.

How City Council Can Make It Happen

Charlotte City Council already has the tools. They can create Special Overlay Districts or utilize existing tools in the Unified Development Ordinance (UDO), such as density bonuses, mixed-income incentives, and targeted zoning adjustments. These mechanisms allow for expedited permitting, reduced parking requirements, and increased density specifically for supportive housing projects that meet affordability and service criteria. Council can designate these overlays in strategic locations near transit, jobs, and services, while including design standards to respect neighborhood character. This approach has been successfully used in Charlotte for other housing initiatives and provides a fast, flexible path forward without requiring major statewide legislative changes.

Call to Action:

If you support practical solutions that save taxpayer dollars while restoring dignity, please share this article on your social media and tag your City Council members today. Tell them Charlotte needs Housing First with intergenerational housing — solutions that work for both the heart and the budget.

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Brendan K. Maginnis
Democratic Candidate for Interim Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

#EndHomelessnessCLT #CharlotteForAll #HousingFirst

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With the Interim Mayor selection process underway, much of the public conversation has focused on who is “qualified” for the job. We hear about professional backgrounds, past experience, and personal relationships. While those things matter, I believe the discussion is missing the most important qualification of all: what the voters of Charlotte actually want.

In September 2025, I ran for Mayor of Charlotte and finished second in the Democratic primary. I received more votes than any challenger to incumbent Vi Lyles since she became Mayor. That was not a small showing — it was a clear expression of support from thousands of Charlotteans who believed my vision and leadership were the best alternative to the status quo.

Of everyone currently applying for the interim mayor position, only two other people have ever run for mayor before. Everyone else has zero votes for mayor in their entire history.

The local media has already begun weighing in, naming their preferred front-runners for the position. Notably, I am not on those lists. Some responsibility for the current situation lies with the media. There were clear signs during the campaign that Mayor Lyles might not be able or fully committed to serving a complete term, yet instead of practicing solid journalism, many outlets ran puff pieces and gave her a free pass. Had the media done its job with more scrutiny, voters might have had better information before casting their ballots, instead of having that decision taken out of their hands now.

Some will bring up former Mayor Jennifer Roberts, and that’s fair. She has Mayoral experience. However, the last time Charlotte voters cast a ballot for her as mayor was in 2017 — nearly nine years ago. My votes came just nine months ago. In terms of current voter sentiment, there is simply no comparison.

This isn’t the Olympics. Coming in second doesn’t automatically grant me the job. But if City Council truly wants to respect the will of the voters who just spoke nine months ago, my level of support should carry real weight in their decision. Instead of choosing based solely on who they personally like, who they think they can work with, or who the media has elevated, they should ask a simpler question:

Who do Charlotteans actually want?

The voters have already rendered their judgment on who they trust to lead this city. Ignoring that reality in favor of insider preferences or media narratives would be a disservice to the democratic process.

Finally, I want to thank the members of City Council who have been reading my newsletter and following these issues closely. I appreciate you taking the time to fully engage during this important decision.

I remain ready and willing to serve.

Brendan K. Maginnis
Democratic Candidate for Interim Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

What do you think?

My ask: If you agree that recent voter support should matter, please share this post and reach out to your City Council member. Let them know you want them to respect the voice of Charlotte voters in this decision.

You can find your Council member’s contact information here.

The more Charlotteans who speak up, the harder it becomes for Council to ignore the will of the people.

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Uptown Charlotte — a vibrant city ready to lead with thoughtful development.

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In my previous post, I outlined a distributed, camouflaged approach to data centers that could better align with Charlotte’s suburban character and community priorities. Since then, I’ve received several thoughtful questions.

Here are clear answers to the most common ones.

1. Can Charlotte City Council Actually Implement This? (Zoning Powers)

Yes — the zoning elements are squarely within City Council’s authority.

Charlotte City Council controls zoning inside city limits through the Unified Development Ordinance (UDO). They regularly create new overlay districts that add design, performance, and aesthetic standards.

Charlotte already uses overlays successfully: Historic District Overlay, Neighborhood Character Overlay, Watershed Overlays, and others. A new “Stealth Infrastructure Overlay” — requiring camouflaged architecture, noise limits (<55 dB), landscaping standards, architectural review, size caps for modular units, and incentives for waste heat recovery and reclaimed water — is legally feasible and consistent with current practice.

Council can:

• Differentiate small modular projects from large hyperscale campuses

• Mandate or incentivize circular features like district heating and water recycling

• Offer a streamlined “by-right” approval path for projects that meet strict standards

The current 150-day moratorium (approved June 8, 2026) was created precisely for this purpose — to study impacts and update the UDO. Council can draft and adopt the new overlay before the moratorium ends.

State law prevents outright bans in already-permitted zones, but adding smarter standards and overlays on top is allowed. This plan targets new developments only.

2. Why Should Charlotte Want More Data Centers At All?

Data centers are a foundational part of the modern economy Charlotte is actively trying to attract.

They power the AI tools, cloud services, advanced medical research, financial technology, and autonomous systems that drive innovation and high-wage job creation.

Hosting them locally helps:

• Attract and retain major tech companies and skilled talent

• Strengthen Charlotte’s position as a leading Southern tech and financial hub

• Support local universities and startups with low-latency, high-performance computing resources

• Build resilient digital infrastructure that benefits emergency services, healthcare, education, and everyday residents

Proactive planning lets Charlotte shape development to match its values and long-term vision, rather than missing out on the infrastructure that underpins future economic growth.

Charlotte skyline — the growing tech and financial hub that needs smart infrastructure.

3. What Are the Community Benefits of the Stealth Modular Model?

This approach turns potential burdens into neighborhood advantages:

• Preserves character — Facilities disguised as ordinary homes using Toronto’s 70-year-proven stealth substation model, protecting property values and suburban feel

• Quieter and cleaner — Smaller, distributed sites with advanced liquid cooling create far less noise and visual impact than massive campuses

• Tangible local gains — Waste heat (77–149°F+) captured for district heating, which can lower residents’ heating bills, provide warmer homes in winter, and heat community pools or greenhouses. Additional benefits include conserved drinking water through reclaimed systems (reducing strain on local supplies and potentially lowering water rates), and new local jobs in modular construction, maintenance, and hardware refurbishment.

• Faster benefits, lower risk — Modular pods deploy quickly with distributed grid load, while circular features deliver ongoing value instead of one-time construction impacts

Charlotte has a genuine opportunity during this moratorium to lead with a smarter model.

What part of this resonates with you most — the zoning path, the economic case, or the community benefits?

Share your thoughts below.

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Brendan K. Maginnis
Democratic Candidate for Interim Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

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*All concepts grounded in real-world examples from Toronto, Denmark, Finland, and U.S. data center operations.

Conceptual illustration of energy flows from renewable sources and data centers to buildings, greenhouses, etc.

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Charlotte is facing a pivotal moment in its tech growth story. Proposed hyperscale data centers—like PowerHouse Charlotte on 122+ acres, Digital Realty’s large projects, and TAC’s 275-acre site—are drawing significant community opposition over grid strain on Duke Energy, noise pollution, massive water consumption, traffic, and limited local economic benefits. With a 150-day moratorium underway as of mid-2026, the city has a timely opportunity to choose a better path.

This expanded proposal presents distributed small-scale modular data centers (typically under 10 MW each, with flexible contracts from 100 kW to 2 MW). These units would be camouflaged as ordinary suburban homes or light commercial buildings, inspired by Toronto’s long-proven house-shaped substations. The model integrates full circular-economy practices—especially Copenhagen-style waste heat recovery for district heating—along with water recycling and e-waste recovery. The goal: deliver the AI and compute capacity Charlotte needs faster and with net-positive community impacts.

Typical Charlotte-area suburban neighborhood — the ideal canvas for stealth integration.

The Toronto Stealth Model: Critical Infrastructure Hidden in Plain Sight

For over 70 years, Toronto Hydro has successfully embedded electrical substations into residential neighborhoods by designing them as ranch-style bungalows, faux-Georgian mansions, cottages, and other local architectural forms. These buildings feature real windows, doors, driveways, mailboxes, and meticulous landscaping—blending so well that many residents don’t realize what’s inside.

Real Toronto stealth substation – modern single-story brick design with landscaping

Historic Toronto Hydro example at 386 Eglinton Avenue E. – a classic brick house that hides critical infrastructure.

Charlotte can adapt this exact approach using local styles (Craftsman, Colonial Revival, modern farmhouse) with brick/siding exteriors, pitched roofs, and one-way or fake windows. Heavy equipment hides in rear “garages,” outbuildings, or underground. This dramatically reduces visual and noise impacts compared to sprawling hyperscale campuses.

Modular Design: Smaller, Faster, and More Flexible

Traditional hyperscale projects (100–600+ MW on huge campuses) take years to permit and build. In contrast, modular prefabricated pods—ranging from shipping-container size to small building-scale—can deploy in months. These support high-density AI/GPU workloads with efficient liquid or immersion cooling, which also produces higher-quality waste heat for recovery.

• Distributed approach: Deploy dozens or hundreds of small sites on underused commercial parcels, industrial edges, or near existing substations. Total capacity aggregates to match or exceed large campuses without single massive footprints.

• Health & quality-of-life advantages: Smaller scale + superior insulation keeps noise low (<45–55 dB at property lines). Battery storage minimizes diesel generators. EMF levels drop quickly outside buildings, aligning with standard electrical safety.

  

Modern modular data center pod – prefabricated and rapidly deployable

Modular construction underway – sections assembled on-site with minimal disruption.

Circular Economy: Transforming “Wastes” into Neighborhood Assets

1. Waste Heat Recovery for District Heating (Proven Copenhagen Model)

Data centers convert nearly all consumed electricity into low-grade heat (77–149°F+). Heat exchangers and electric heat pumps upgrade this for underground district heating loops serving homes, offices, pools, and greenhouses.

Real-world success stories:

• Microsoft’s Høje-Taastrup facility in Denmark will heat ~6,000 homes.

• at North’s Ballerup site (Denmark) will supply heat to over 8,000 homes from 2028.

• Meta and Google projects in Finland and Sweden heat thousands of apartments and support local industry.

• Stockholm Data Parks integrate multiple centers to supply up to 10% of the city’s heating.

In Charlotte, a single 5–10 MW stealth pod could heat hundreds of nearby homes; clusters would support entire neighborhoods—reducing bills, water use, and emissions while generating revenue for operators

Waste heat potential – A 100 MW AI facility can deliver enough recoverable heat for 110,000–175,000 European-style apartments annually

Step-by-step heat export process from servers to community use.

2. Water Management

Replace potable water with treated municipal effluent (standard practice for AWS at 120+ U.S. sites, plus Google and Microsoft). On-site recycling can reach 95% efficiency, with excess supporting local landscaping.

3. E-Waste & Hardware

Modular designs enable easy refurbishment of servers/racks or material recovery, creating local jobs and reducing landfill waste.

4. Broader Benefits

Retrofit existing buildings rather than greenfield sites. Pair with renewables and batteries. Use excess heat for indoor farming or wastewater treatment enhancement.

Retrofitting Costs and Economics

District heating connections (building retrofits + neighborhood pipes):

• Per single-family home: $10,000–$25,000 (lower with existing hydronic systems).

• Clustered neighborhood (50–200 homes): $15,000–$40,000 per home all-in, with strong economies of scale.

• Pilot cluster (e.g., 20–100 homes): $1–5 million+ upfront, offset by operator subsidies, heat sales revenue, IRA tax credits, and reduced legal delays.

Payback periods are typically 5–15 years through lower energy bills. Pairing with new developments or planned renovations lowers incremental costs significantly.

Implementation Roadmap for Charlotte

1. Policy: Evolve the moratorium into a “Stealth Infrastructure Overlay” zoning category with fast-track approvals for projects meeting strict aesthetic, noise, water-reuse, and heat-recovery standards.

2. Pilots: Start with 5–10 unit clusters co-located with new housing or greenhouses for immediate symbiosis.

3. Partnerships: Duke Energy (grid), local utilities (water/heat), modular manufacturers, and architects familiar with Charlotte styles.

4. Economics: Modest premium for camouflage and circular features is more than offset by faster deployment, fewer lawsuits, and new revenue streams.

Why This Model Succeeds Where Large Campuses Struggle

Toronto’s stealth substations have operated quietly for decades with high community acceptance. European data centers routinely turn waste heat into district heating at scale. Combined with modular speed and U.S. reclaimed-water precedents, this approach positions Charlotte as a leader in responsible AI infrastructure—preserving neighborhoods, delivering tangible benefits (cheaper heating, water conservation, jobs), and meeting demand without the typical flashpoints.

Recommended next step: Form a multi-stakeholder task force during the moratorium to refine designs and launch the first pilot cluster within 12–18 months.

This model isn’t theoretical—it builds directly on decades of real deployments. Could stealth modular data centers with district heating become Charlotte’s competitive advantage? Share your thoughts, questions, or local insights below.

Brendan K. Maginnis
Former Democratic Candidate for Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

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*All images are real-world photographs, engineering diagrams, or professional visualizations from public sources. Concepts are grounded in documented projects in Toronto, Denmark, Finland, Sweden, and U.S. data center operations.

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In my previous posts, I examined two major institutional obstacles facing white men seeking elected office in Charlotte: the dominant influence of the Black Political Caucus in primaries and the innate bias within local female Democratic leadership that often works to close doors for men. These barriers have created a situation where white men have an extremely low probability of winning elected office in our city, especially at the top levels.

The goal of this series is not to argue that a white man should be appointed simply because he is a white man. Rather, it is to point out that, given these very real obstacles, a qualified white male should not be automatically discounted from consideration for the interim mayor position. In the current environment, appointment may be one of the only realistic paths to achieve representation.

Representation matters for everyone.

While the lack of representation should be concerning on its own, it ultimately leads to two larger problems that affect all Charlotteans: declining voter turnout and weakened Democratic performance in elections.

Charlotte is notorious nationally for its low voter turnout, which has impacted races at both the statewide and national levels. Despite years of effort by activists and organizations to increase participation, turnout remains stubbornly low compared to peer cities like Raleigh. When I analyzed municipal primary data from 2017 to 2023 for my campaign, I found we lost roughly 7,000 Democratic municipal primary voters — 6,000 of whom were white. Municipal primaries are lower-stakes races, so the voters who do participate are among the most dedicated. The fact that even this committed subset declined significantly points to a much broader turnout problem.

Even more telling is that despite increased Black representation in local government, Black voter turnout has also decreased in many precincts. While multiple factors are at play, conversations in majority-Black neighborhoods often reveal a common sentiment: many residents do not feel the BPC and its endorsed candidates truly represent their interests. This creates a vicious cycle — white voters support BPC-endorsed candidates thinking they are helping the Black community, while segments of the Black community stay home because they feel unrepresented.

Despite being the most powerful political organization in determining who gets elected, the BPC has done relatively little to organize precincts or increase registrations in disaffected Black neighborhoods. Why? Because their preferred candidates are already winning, and expanding the electorate — especially in those areas — might actually reduce their control. The same logic applies to some in Raleigh who already have officials they can work with.

In summary, the monopoly of the BPC in the primary process has left both Black and white voters apathetic, shrinking the electorate and suppressing turnout. This has real consequences for elections both locally and nationally. For example, Cheri Beasley lost her 2020 race for NC Chief Justice by just 400 votes statewide — a margin that could have been overcome with better turnout in Charlotte.

Even more concerning is the national trend. The Democratic Party has been losing male voters for over a decade, with especially sharp losses among Black and Brown men in 2024. Yet the tone toward male voters has grown more dismissive. Men represent 47% of the voting electorate, with white men making up about 34%. Dismissing their concerns is not just morally inconsistent with Democratic values of inclusion — it is electorally self-defeating.

In the Charlotte political bubble, where Democrats hold near-monopoly power locally, the impact may seem limited. But as the 13th largest city in the U.S. with an economy comparable to entire countries like New Zealand or Hungary (roughly 50th–60th largest by GDP), our actions are watched nationally. A glaring lack of representation does not go unnoticed.

Appointing a qualified white male to the interim mayor position will not magically resolve the local institutional obstacles or national biases within the Democratic Party. But it would be a clear, confident demonstration that we practice the inclusion we preach. Correcting this underrepresentation in a major city like Charlotte could show national leadership on unity, and outreach to disaffected white and male voters — something the Democratic Party desperately needs right now.

Exclusion can never defeat exclusion. Inclusion is the only path to unity.

Note: As I’ve mentioned before, while I believe my strengths and abilities qualify me for the interim mayor position, it does not have to be me. However, due to the institutional obstacles and innate bias I’ve noted, there is a lack of white males who actually would be considered qualified. A short list might include former Council member and State Representative John Autry, former State Representative and current MCDP Chair Wesley Harris, and local organizer Greg Jarrell. I do not know if any of these gentlemen are interested in the position but merely list them as possible other candidates who could gain support in this political environment.

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Brendan K. Maginnis
Former Democratic Candidate for Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

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In my previous post, I discussed how the most influential political organization in Charlotte — the Black Political Caucus of Charlotte-Mecklenburg (BPC) — uses its claims of nonpartisanship and independence from the Mecklenburg County Democratic Party to ignore the customary practice within the Democratic Party of not endorsing in primary elections. This advantage allows them to heavily influence primaries for their preferred candidates, who usually win the general election in our highly Democratic city. Due to its goal of promoting Black representation, these candidates are almost exclusively Black, which creates an institutional obstacle for white males to get elected in Charlotte.

While this represents the biggest hurdle for Democratic white males seeking elected office in Charlotte, there is also an innate bias within the Democratic Party nationally that has manifested itself locally and created an additional institutional obstacle for white men seeking office.

Women have constituted the majority of voters in the Democratic Party in presidential races since 1988 and have been the deciding factor in who wins the primary since Bill Clinton was elected in 1992.

In 1998, only about 23% of Democrats overall had a four-year college degree or higher. Now that number sits at about 48%. Most of that growth has come from women rather than men, with the percentage of college-educated women growing from about 13% to 30% of Democrats, compared to more modest gains of about 10% to 17% among men.

Over that span, women have established themselves as the dominant force within the grassroots of the party at all levels — from precinct chairs and county party chairs all the way up to state party chairs, like Anderson Clayton, the current chair of the North Carolina Democratic Party. In fact, 91% of the precinct chairs within the Mecklenburg County Democratic Party are women.

Many of these leaders have come from organizations created over the past several decades to get women more involved in Democratic politics. There are no less than 12 national and statewide organizations that recruit, train, endorse, and fundraise exclusively for women in Democratic politics. There are zero equivalent male-only organizations within the Democratic infrastructure.

All of this to say that women are the dominant force within the current Democratic Party — setting the agenda, running for office, and serving as gatekeepers for those seeking office.

These efforts have been effective in North Carolina, where women make up 60% of the Democratic seats in the state legislature. Within Charlotte, women make up 32 of the 44 Democratic elected officials, with many being the product of those organizations set up to help women get into office.

These female elected officials have exercised this power by recruiting other women from that system when local vacancies have occurred. When Wesley Harris decided to run for State Treasurer in 2024, Woodson Bradley was recruited into his redrawn district and won a tough race for her NC Senate seat. When John Autry retired that same year, Julia Greenfield was recruited into his seat and won unopposed in both the primary and general election. Those were the last two white males to represent Charlotte, replaced by women recruited by current elected women.

With so much institutional power behind getting women elected within the Democratic infrastructure, it’s understandable that this would produce an environment where women seek to extend their power and representation when opportunities arise — much like the Black Political Caucus has done. However, the issue that arises is not women seeking opportunities for other women, but many of these same elected women actively working to close the door for men — specifically white men.

I recently posted in the Democrats of Mecklenburg County Facebook page a simple question: “Elected officials and local Democratic leaders: 0 out of 44. Are you OK with this, and why?” (referencing zero white males in elected office). For a party that promotes the concept of equality and representation for everyone, this should have been an easy question. Instead, the responses from local leaders and elected officials showed that this lack of representation wasn’t accidental but the result of an innate bias.

From Anna London, current CMS District 6 representative: “Yes, I am! The implication here is that white men are somehow shut out of power in this city/county. That would be laughable if it weren’t so intellectually dishonest.”

From Kimberly Owens, current Charlotte City Council District 6 representative, who will have a deciding vote on who fills the Interim Mayor position: “What am I missing in terms of where the white male voice contains something that cannot be achieved by being represented by those outside that cohort?”

From Lisa Wetzl Ellsworth, who has served as a local Democratic leader: “Please compare the demographics of leadership since the founding of Charlotte. Pretty sure white males are not a historically marginalized group.”

These types of responses are not surprising. For the past decade, portions of the Democratic Party have pushed to exclude men from the process. While this goes against the principles of the Democratic Party, coming from local elected officials it can show an innate bias against men and have a chilling effect on not only men running for elected office, but from participating in the Democratic Party at all. This is a leading contributor to why we have zero white men among the 44 Democratic officials in Charlotte.

All this leads to an additional layer of institutional obstruction that creates another obstacle for white men seeking office in Charlotte. If you take into account the obstacle that the BPC creates as well, the breakdown of numbers makes sense.

Out of the 44 Democratic elected officials in Charlotte:

• 0 are White Men

• 12 are Black/People of Color Men

• 13 are White Women

• 19 are Black/People of Color Women

For many, including the people above, that zero doesn’t matter. But representation is an anchor of the Democratic Party — especially at a time when the party is actively fighting against the loss of Black majority districts through partisan gerrymandering in states like Tennessee due to the belief in a loss of representation. However, these cries of injustice ring hollow when similar types of institutional obstacles and innate bias are clearly shown locally and ignored. “Run better campaigns” or “There’s no representation because they lost races” falls flat when the system itself limits who can realistically compete.

It doesn’t have to be me. But in the current political climate, what other white man is going to step up and volunteer for this conversation? This is an opportunity for Democrats to show we practice the inclusion we preach. Visible fairness can help bring disengaged voters back and strengthen us up and down the ballot.

In Part 3, I’ll discuss why this exclusion of white men from Charlotte Democratic leadership has negative effects that matter beyond representation.

PS: If none of the above convinces you that there’s an innate bias amongst local female Democratic leadership, I’ll leave a quote from the aforementioned NC State Representative Julia Greenfield, who replaced one of the last white men to represent Charlotte: “Men have had the keys long enough. Women are changing the locks!!”. You can see the full video here.

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Brendan K. Maginnis
Former Democratic Candidate for Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

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In my previous post, I discussed the striking lack of representation in Charlotte’s Democratic leadership — specifically that there are currently 44 elected Democrats who represent our city at various levels, and none of them are white males. That post generated a lot of conversation, so I wanted to follow up with a deeper look at one of the key institutional factors behind this reality.

For over 50 years, the Black Political Caucus of Charlotte-Mecklenburg (BPC) has done the tough work of seeking political representation for the Black community in the Charlotte area. Along with other initiatives, they have done this through their endorsement process, in which they endorse candidates and distribute glossy voter guides in both the primaries and general election. This has been very successful in helping members of the Black community — and those who support the Black community — attain public office.

In fact, all of the 44 Democratic elected officials currently serving Charlotte either came to office because of the BPC endorsement or were endorsed while in office. An endorsement by the BPC in local races is almost a guaranteed primary win. To say that the BPC is the most influential political organization in Charlotte politics is not an understatement.

However, the process does not come without issues. The BPC has always been an entity separate from the local Democratic Party, despite the “caucus” label. This independence made sense at the time of its founding but continues to this day, even though there is an African-American Caucus (AAC) of Mecklenburg County that represents the Black community within the Mecklenburg County Democratic Party (MCDP). The BPC also represents itself as nonpartisan (despite not endorsing a Republican candidate in recent memory). This claimed independence is a key element to how the exercise their influence.

While not an official rule, caucuses within the MCDP (and Democratic Parties nationally) typically do not endorse during primary elections, as it would be undue influence in a race between members of their own party, causing divisions within the party (This effect has been observed recently, when the MCDP felt obligated to endorse in non-partisan school board elections, causing friction amongst the Democratic candidates and their supporters). However, due to its unique structure, the BPC ignores this tradition, and is the sole political organization that endorses in the primary elections, choosing certain Democrats over others.

Their process for endorsement has shifted somewhat over the years but has remained mostly the same. They hold a candidate forum for the primary races (attendance is not required for endorsement), the roughly 226 members vote on who they want to endorse, and the endorsed candidates participate in a “pay-to-play” model, paying upwards of $2,500 to help cover the cost of the voter guides distributed at polling places.

While the ~226 members come to their voting decisions independently, a review of past endorsements shows a fairly consistent matrix for who gets endorsed. If the primary has a Black candidate, they typically receive the endorsement, with the only complication being if there is more than one Black candidate. The BPC does endorse white candidates — including white men — but those exceptions usually fall into three categories: races without a Black candidate in the primary (which are usually unwinnable in the general election), a non-Black incumbent, or a non-Black candidate who appears overwhelmingly likely to be the eventual winner.

A clear example of this dynamic occurred in the 2024 North Carolina Governor’s race, where the BPC endorsed Attorney General Josh Stein (a white man) over former NC Justice Mike Morgan (a Black man), even though many members felt Morgan better represented their interests. This decision highlighted the endorsement matrix and sparked internal complaints.

It is understandable that an organization like the BPC, formed to empower the Black community through political activism, would continue to prefer endorsing members of the Black community in order to get them elected. However, this creates an institutional obstacle for non-Black candidates seeking office, as the most influential political organization in Charlotte takes advantage of a loophole to heavily influence primary elections that inevitably determine the eventual general election winners.

This institutional obstacle, along with the innate bias I’ll discuss in my next post (Part 2), has made the window for white men to get elected in Charlotte very narrow — which is a big factor in why there are zero white men out of the 44 elected Democrats in Charlotte.

Is the influence of the BPC on Charlotte’s elections bad? Not on the surface. The BPC has every right to operate however it chooses and has played a vital role in ensuring strong Black representation in Charlotte politics — something that remains necessary and important. However, this outsized influence does come with negative impacts to the broader Charlotte community, most notably the continued decline in voter turnout across multiple elections. I’ll discuss this and other negative impacts in more detail in Part 3.

In my next post (Part 2), I’ll discuss an innate bias within the local Democratic Party that has created another institutional obstacle for white men to get elected.

Brendan K. Maginnis
Former Democratic Candidate for Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

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If you’re reading this, I’m assuming you actually read my letter to Charlotte City Council about why I should be considered for the interim mayor position. If not, you can find it here.

Unfortunately — though not unexpectedly — the media buried the lead on my qualifications and instead focused heavily on the part about me being a white man. So I want to clarify a few things.

I do not believe I should be interim mayor because I am a white man.

I believe I should be considered because of the strengths I can bring to the position — strengths that are currently missing from Council — which I outlined in more detail in my response to Council Member Owens’ op-ed.

However, what I did highlight is this: there are currently 44 elected Democrats who represent Charlotte at the local and state levels, and none of them are white males. I believe that leaves a real representation gap — one that matters both visually and electorally — and is detrimental to our city government, just as it would matter if any other demographic were completely absent.

I stand by this viewpoint, so the sincere apology is not from me. I believe a sincere apology is due from our current Mayor, Vi Lyles, to the voters who supported her.

Whichever point in time you want to pick — whether it was last July when she announced her re-election campaign, the interviews she gave during the primary, or her statements after winning the primary — Mayor Lyles assured voters multiple times that she had the energy and desire for another full term. Now she has announced her resignation only months into that term.

There are really only two possibilities: either she never intended to finish the term, or something changed after she was elected. Some have speculated that she never planned on finishing her term — that one reason she ran again was to avoid an open mayor’s seat overshadowing the transit tax referendum she personally pushed as part of her legacy. Now that the referendum has passed, she may feel comfortable leaving the pieces to the next (interim) mayor. In her resignation statement, she also mentioned that leaving now gives those vying for the 2027 mayor’s race more time to introduce themselves to the public. Whatever the reason, telling voters you are ready for another full term while knowing you have no intention to complete it is dishonest.

As I’ve said before, I understand the strong pull of family. I have three children under six, and I know firsthand how quickly that precious time passes. Life changes, priorities shift, and it’s entirely human to reassess what matters most. I don’t hold her personal reasons against her. But she made a promise to the voters who supported her, and they deserve a sincere apology.

I don’t know the exact reasons why an elected official in this situation wouldn’t apologize. Maybe it feels difficult. Maybe it seems like a sign of weakness. But I believe a sincere apology — paired with some additional explanation — would actually strengthen her legacy and help rebuild trust in City Council for whoever serves next.

Transparency was a central focus of my campaign, and this feels like a missed opportunity to demonstrate it in a meaningful way.

If you feel an apology is necessary to help restore trust in Charlotte, please consider signing the petition here (it can be done anonymously).

One final note: I’ll return to the lack of representation issue next week. I’ll start breaking down the institutional obstacles and innate bias that (white) males face in getting elected in Charlotte — the same dynamics that created the current 0-of-44 number — with Part 1 focusing on the Black Political Caucus of Charlotte-Mecklenburg.

Brendan K. Maginnis
Former Democratic Candidate for Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

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Council Member Kimberly Owens recently published a thoughtful article outlining what she believes Charlotte needs in its next mayor.

Interestingly, many of these qualities I had already highlighted in my letter to City Council offering to serve as interim mayor. Still, I thought I’d have a little fun with this and decided to use her criteria as a scorecard to see how I measure up.

Here’s the honest self-audit:

Plays Well With Raleigh
Owens stressed the need for open, constructive relationships with state leaders rather than constant conflict.
My business-forward approach allows me to solve Charlotte’s issues from the mindset of the business community. For example, my proposed Carowinds light rail extension was designed not just to serve riders, but to minimize I-77 traffic, increase ridership, and create a solution that benefits Charlotte, the state, and key stakeholders. I’ve spent years learning how to speak the language of both local needs and state priorities. This kind of pragmatic bridge-building is exactly what Raleigh needs to see from Charlotte’s mayor. 1 point

Competency Over Passion
She wants discipline, levelheadedness, experience, and the ability to bring people together.
As a former Marine and financial planner who built a business from the ground up, I’ve spent years managing complex situations with calm, pragmatic leadership. While I understand her intent, I’d say a mayor who meets some of her other requirements — like “vision” — also requires a certain level of passion, especially when pursuing solutions that genuinely help people. My leadership style has always focused on results and collaboration. 1 point

A Global Stage
Owens noted that Charlotte is now a major U.S. city that needs an ambassador to the world.
What could be more global than living in Copenhagen — a city voted the happiest city in the world on multiple occasions — and seeing how they resolve the same issues Charlotte faces with a strong citizen-centered focus? I’ve experienced their transit system, utilized their schools, and observed their approach to housing and infrastructure. This firsthand perspective gives me fresh ideas I can bring back to benefit Charlotte. 1 point

Understands Washington
She emphasized the need for a mayor who understands how D.C. politics can impact our city.
I noted during the campaign how Mayor Lyles’ insufficient response to the Zarutska murder on the Blue Line helped invite federal involvement. I understand how national policies and political optics can quickly affect Charlotte. Having run for Congress, I’m comfortable engaging with federal leaders and anticipating how decisions in Washington ripple into our city. 1 point

Plays Well With Mecklenburg County
Owens highlighted the importance of strong collaboration between city and county government.
I respect the distinct roles of both governments. There would be a learning curve, but it would be quick as I lean on the strong City Manager and Mayor Pro-Tem, just as Mayor Lyles has done successfully over the past few years. I’m focused on results, not turf battles. 0.5 point (If I’m being critical)

Charts New Visions
She called for a leader who can galvanize the public around bold initiatives.
The central theme of my campaign was bringing innovative ideas to solve Charlotte’s longstanding problems — 25,900 new homes using 3D-printed technology, 64,000 jobs (most for non-degree holders), and meaningful childcare reform through the Tri-Share program. I’m ready to lead with fresh vision while building broad community support. 1 point

A Willingness to Be Bored and Work Hard
Owens noted the job requires stamina for long meetings, late nights, and detailed work.
I’ve built a business from scratch and run a full-scale mayoral campaign. I’m fully prepared for the unglamorous but necessary work of governing — the meetings, the documents, and the long hours it takes to get things done. I don’t shy away from the grind. 1 point

Final Score: 6.5 out of 7

This wasn’t meant to be a campaign speech — just a straightforward look at how my background and platform match what one council member has publicly said the city needs right now.

If you agree with my assessment and think I would be a strong candidate for consideration as interim mayor, I encourage you to reach out to your City Council member and let them know.

What do you think?

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Brendan K. Maginnis
Former Democratic Candidate for Mayor of Charlotte
www.maginnisformayor.org

With her resignation, the City Council now faces the important responsibility of selecting an Interim Mayor to guide our city through the remainder of this term. After discussions with community members, including the Mayor’s daughter, I feel encouraged to notify Charlotte City Council that I am available for the position of Interim Mayor.

I want to directly address recent comments from the Charlotte Area NAACP. I composed this letter on Tuesday, before those remarks were made. I fully understand and share the deep concern about protecting Black representation, especially in light of recent Republican-led map changes. During my 2022 U.S. Senate run, strengthening the Voting Rights Act was my top priority, and I continue to believe it is essential.

However, appointing a qualified white male like myself at this moment gives City Council a powerful opportunity. It allows Council Members to show voters across North Carolina and the nation that Republicans are not like us. We don’t just talk about diversity and inclusion — we practice it. When we see any group underrepresented, our instinct is to expand the table, not shrink it. This appointment would be a clear, confident demonstration of our values and a powerful message to voters nationally who are tired of division.

Please see the attached letter I am sending to City Council members.

________________

Dear Charlotte City Council Members,

I’m writing to respectfully offer my time, skills, and energy for the interim Mayor position following Mayor Lyles’ resignation. This is a critical transitional period, and I ask you to consider my candidacy with an open mind.

Experience & Readiness

As the candidate who received the second-highest vote total in the recent mayoral election — and the strongest Democratic primary challenge in years — I demonstrated broad voter confidence. My comprehensive platform (www.maginnisformayor.org) already addresses Charlotte’s most pressing issues: affordable housing, economic growth, equitable transit, childcare access, and especially transparency. As a small business owner and former Marine, I offer a practical, business-focused approach that can help bridge the mayor’s office with the GOP-controlled state legislature. Voters clearly believed in my vision and ability to lead us forward.

Independent Voice & Fresh Perspective

I recently spent four months living in Copenhagen with my family. I experienced their efficient transit system, visited their schools, and observed how they manage housing costs, job opportunities, and infrastructure challenges similar to ours — including datacenters and expanded road networks. This outsider viewpoint, without long-term political obligations in Charlotte, would bring new problem-solving ideas and energy to the role. Importantly, I have no plans to run for mayor or any other office in 2027, allowing me to serve purely as a caretaker focused on stability and progress. It would be the honor of a lifetime to fill this position as my final act of service to Charlotte.

Representation & Unity

Appointing me would also address the current lack of diversity of perspective in Charlotte’s Democratic leadership. While Charlotte has 46 Democratic elected officials at various levels, none of them are white males, despite white males representing about 20% of the population. Representation matters, and my appointment would demonstrate that institutional obstacles have not created an innate bias. It would promote unity and show that all qualified voices are valued in shaping our city’s future.

While my appointment might be considered unorthodox, I believe the reasons above illustrate unique benefits I can bring — stability, fresh perspective, transparency, and unity — during this transitional time.

I am available at any time to discuss this further and answer any questions.

Thank you for your consideration.

Respectfully,

Brendan K. Maginnis

Former Democratic Candidate for Mayor of Charlotte

www.maginnisformayor.org

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Dear Readers,

Thank you for following my campaign for Mayor of Charlotte over the past 42+ days!

It’s been an incredible journey, and I’ve shared my plan at www.maginnisformayor.org/issues, covering affordable housing with 25,900 new homes, 64,000 jobs (mostly for non-degree holders), safe communities with CMPD support, transit upgrades without new taxes, childcare access via Charlotte 3-K, and transparent governance.

I’m honored to have earned endorsements from the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Fraternal Order of Police, Democratic Men of Mecklenburg County, and a Sufficient rating from LGBTQ+ Dems, reflecting broad support.

If you’ve made it this far, I have one ask: please share this article—or any that resonated with you, won you over, or sparked interest—on social media or via email to friends.

I’ve put in the work to show Charlotte a hopeful future; don’t let me be the best-kept secret this election cycle.

Let’s finish strong and bring hope home!

Brendan K. Maginnis
Democratic Candidate for Mayor of Charlotte

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Charlotte faces a 3% violent crime rise in 2024, a 24.7% homicide increase (111 cases vs. 89 in 2023), and only 40% of residents feeling safe last year, per state surveys. My $40 million public safety plan, detailed at www.maginnisformayor.org, delivers a comprehensive solution to ensure safer streets, stronger policing, and thriving communities for all 892,000 Charlotteans. From empowering officers to fostering trust, creating jobs, and protecting vulnerable residents—especially women—from stalking and harassment, my vision tackles crime’s root causes. On Day 7, I’m recapping our week-long rollout, highlighting our Stalking and Harassment Response Initiative (SHRI) to protect residents, and urging you to vote for a safer Charlotte

A Week of Solutions

This week, we unveiled our $40 million plan to transform Charlotte’s safety landscape. The $15 million Mayor’s Racial Equity Initiative (MREI) creates 2,000 jobs in high-risk areas like Beatties Ford, addressing the 11.9% poverty rate to reduce crime by 15% by 2028, partnered with Charlotte Works. The $10 million Charlotte Community Safety Agency (CCSA) deploys 30 civilian responders to handle non-violent calls, easing the burden on the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (CMPD), with 304 vacancies among 1,800 officers, targeting a 15% response time reduction by 2027. The $5 million Charlotte Office of Neighborhood Safety (CONS), with the University of Chicago Crime Lab, hires 30 interrupters to cut homicides by 20% by 2028. We’ve allocated $12 million for take-home vehicles and $0.54 million for vests (one-time) to boost officer morale, $9.5 million for small business support via Department of Housing and Urban Development grants, and $7 million for digital equity with the Federal Communications Commission. The $3.5 million Transit Safety Task Force (TSTF) secures public spaces, like the Blue Line and other transit options. so riders can move about Charlotte without fear of violence.

Protecting Residents from Stalking and Harassment

Introduced in our September 7 press release, the $3.5 million SHRI, partnered with Mecklenburg County Courts, protects residents, especially women, from stalking and harassment, addressing national data showing 20.2% of women face stalking (Office for National Statistics). SHRI streamlines free Stalking Protection Orders, reducing proof thresholds for faster issuance, inspired by UK models. A 10-officer CMPD task force, trained with the Suzy Lamplugh Trust , targets cyberstalking and supports victims via the National Stalking Helpline (800-394-2255). Ten civilian responders assist at workplaces and public spaces, offering safety planning and job support through Charlotte Works. Funded by Department of Justice grants, SHRI aims to increase reporting by 20% by 2028, ensuring residents, particularly women, feel safe at home and work. This initiative complements our broader plan, creating a city where no one fears harassment.

Why Vote Maginnis

“As Charlotteans head to the polls, they must ask themselves, ‘Do I feel safer than I did two or four years ago?’ Most can’t honestly say yes, and the current mayor has not presented even a concept of a plan. My vision delivers results now.”

Our plan, backed by $15.54 million in CMPD reallocation and grants, with partners like Sustain Charlotte and Johnson C. Smith University, ensures measurable outcomes by 2028. Cops & Barbers, with the North Carolina Local Barbershop Association (NCLBA), sends officers to barbershops with stipends, boosting trust by 15% and addressing disparities (3.89 times higher Black arrest rates).

Join the Movement

Vote for a safer Charlotte on election day. Join us on social media (@MaginnisForMayor on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok) or call 704-576-2887.

Subscribe to our Substack for campaign updates and let’s build a safer, stronger Charlotte together.

Let’s bring hope home.

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Brendan K. Maginnis is a Marine veteran, former financial planner, and father of three, running for mayor to bring practical, community-focused solutions.

#SaferCharlotte #MaginnisForMayor #CharlotteSafety #CLTStrong

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Trust between communities and the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (CMPD) is critical to reducing crime, including a violent crime rise in 2024 and disparities like 3.89 times higher arrest rates for Black residents. On Day 6 of our $40 million public safety plan rollout, I’m detailing how the Cops & Barbers program, where officers visit barbershops to connect with locals, will foster trust, reduce crime fears, and make Charlotte safer for all 892,000 residents. Join me to see how we’re building trust and what’s next.

Trust Reduces Crime

With only 40% of residents feeling safe in 2024, per state surveys, and disparities fueling tension, trust is essential to safer neighborhoods. The violent crime rise in 2024 underscores the need for community engagement, especially in high-risk areas like Beatties Ford. Cops & Barbers, partnered with the North Carolina Local Barbershop Association (NCLBA), sends officers to barbershops to build relationships with residents. This program aims for a 15% trust score increase by 2028, per community surveys, encouraging residents to report issues and reducing crime fears. By fostering open dialogue in trusted community spaces, we strengthen neighborhood safety.

Cops & Barbers: Community Connection

Cops & Barbers has CMPD officers visit barbershops in neighborhoods like Beatties Ford to engage locals in casual conversations, building rapport. Each officer receives a monthly stipend to cover haircuts for themselves or to offer free haircuts to patrons as goodwill, with reporting requirements ensuring proper use, funded by $500,000 in CMPD’s $301 million budget. Starting in 2026, these visits will reach 1,000 residents annually, promoting inclusivity with support from Sustain Charlotte . This initiative boosts safety perceptions by 10% by 2028, per survey data, complementing enforcement efforts. By embedding officers in community spaces, we create lasting trust and collaboration.

A Comprehensive Plan

Cops & Barbers is part of our $40 million plan, including $15 million for the Mayor’s Racial Equity Initiative (MREI), $10 million for the Charlotte Community Safety Agency (CCSA), $5 million for the Charlotte Office of Neighborhood Safety (CONS), $12 million for take-home vehicles, $0.54 million for vests (one-time), $3.5 million for the Transit Safety Task Force (TSTF), $9.5 million for small business, $7 million for digital equity, and $3.5 million for the Stalking and Harassment Response Initiative (SHRI), funded by $15.54 million in CMPD reallocation and grants. We’ve covered TSTF, vehicles/vests, CCSA, CONS, and MREI.

“As Charlotteans head to the polls, they must ask themselves, ‘Do I feel safer than I did two or four years ago?’ Most can’t honestly say yes, and the current mayor has not presented even a concept of a plan. My vision delivers results now.”

What’s Next This Week

Follow our update:

• Sunday: Vote for a safer Charlotte.

Join us on social media (@MaginnisForMayor on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok) or call 704-576-2887. Visit www.maginnisformayor.org for more information.

Join the Movement

Trust builds safer communities. Subscribe to our Substack for tomorrow’s update and help create a united Charlotte.

Subscribe now

Brendan K. Maginnis is a Marine veteran, former financial planner, and father of three, running for mayor to bring practical, community-focused solutions.

#SaferCharlotte #CommunityDrivenSafety #MaginnisForMayor #CharlotteSafety

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Charlotte’s 24.7% homicide increase in 2024 (111 cases vs. 89 in 2023) and a 300% rise in juvenile homicide suspects since 2020 demand bold action to prevent violence. On Day 5 of our $40 million public safety plan rollout, I’m detailing how the $5 million Charlotte Office of Neighborhood Safety (CONS) and youth programs will stop violence citywide, easing the load on the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (CMPD) and making Charlotte safer for all 892,000 residents. Join me to see how we’re preventing violence and what’s next

Targeting Violence

The 24.7% homicide spike and 300% increase in juvenile suspects highlight the urgency of prevention, with only 40% of residents feeling safe in 2024, per state surveys. CMPD’s nearly 1,800 officers, facing 304 vacancies, handle over 1 million calls annually, leaving little room for proactive work. CONS and youth programs reduce violent incidents, easing CMPD’s burden and fostering safer neighborhoods.

CONS: Interrupting Violence

Modeled on Richmond’s 80% homicide reduction, our $5 million CONS hires 30 interrupters from high-risk communities to mediate conflicts in areas like Beatties Ford. Partnering with the University of Chicago Crime Lab , interrupters connect at-risk individuals to services like job training through Charlotte Works, targeting a 20% drop in gun-related homicides by 2028. Funded by Department of Justice grants, CONS prevents violence, reducing CMPD calls and allowing officers to focus on enforcement.

Youth Programs for Prevention

Our plan expands youth mentoring through partnerships with Johnson C. Smith University, offering job training and after-school programs in high-crime areas. By engaging youth, we address the 300% rise in juvenile suspects, preventing violence and building safer communities. These efforts complement CONS, reducing calls and supporting CMPD’s nearly 1,800 officers.

A Comprehensive Plan

CONS and youth programs join our $40 million plan ($15M MREI, $10M CCSA, $5M CONS, $12M vehicles, $0.54M vests one-time, $3.5M TSTF, $9.5M small business, $7M digital equity, with $15.54M CMPD reallocation and grants). We’ve covered the Transit Safety Task Force (TSTF), officer vehicles/vests, CCSA, and MREI . Cops & Barbers with the North Carolina Local Barbershop Association (NCLBA) targets a 15% trust increase.

“As Charlotteans head to the polls, they must ask themselves, ‘Do I feel safer than I did two or four years ago?’ Most can’t honestly say yes, and the current mayor has not presented even a concept of a plan. My vision delivers results now.”

What’s Next This Week

Follow our updates:

• Saturday: Building trust through Cops & Barbers at Blue Line stations.

• Sunday: Vote for a safer Charlotte.

Join us on social media (@MaginnisForMayor on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok, Bluesky) or call 704-576-2887.

Visit www.maginnisformayor.org to see the comprehensive plan.

Join the Movement

Preventing violence builds safer communities. Subscribe to our Substack for updates and help create a peaceful Charlotte.

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Brendan K. Maginnis is a Marine veteran, former financial planner, and father of three, running for mayor to bring practical, community-focused solutions.

Hashtags: #SaferCharlotte #EndGunViolence #MaginnisForMayor #CharlotteSafety

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Charlotte’s 11.9% poverty rate fuels crime across our city, with a violent crime rise in 2024 and a 24.7% homicide increase (111 cases vs. 89 in 2023). My $40 million public safety plan tackles these root causes, and on Day 4, I’m detailing how a $32 million expansion of the Mayor’s Racial Equity Initiative (MREI) will create 2,000 jobs, reduce poverty-driven crime, and make Charlotte safer for all 892,000 residents. Join me to see how economic opportunity drives safety and what’s next this week.

Economic Opportunity Reduces Crime

Poverty drives crime, with Charlotte’s 11.9% poverty rate linked to the 3% violent crime rise and 24.7% homicide spike in 2024. Only 40% of residents felt safe last year, per state surveys. By creating jobs, our MREI expansion targets a 10% median income increase by 2028, reducing crime’s root causes. This approach complements enforcement, fostering safer streets citywide, including in transit corridors like South End where the LYNX Blue Line, operated by the Charlotte Area Transit System (CATS), saw five injuries in 2025.

MREI: Jobs and Stability for Charlotte

The MREI invests $15 million in job training through partners like Charlotte Works, preparing residents for careers in tech, healthcare, and logistics. Another $9.5 million in small business grants supports entrepreneurs in neighborhoods like Beatties Ford, boosting local economies. A $7 million digital equity push, partnered with the Federal Communications Commission, bridges the digital divide, ensuring access to opportunities. Funded by private contributions, bonds, and Workforce Innovation and Opportunity Act grants, these efforts create 2,000 jobs, reducing poverty-driven crime by 15% by 2028, per projections, with a focus on high-crime areas near transit.

A Comprehensive Plan

MREI is part of our $40 million plan, verified to total $40 million annually ($15M MREI, $10M CCSA, $5M CONS, $12M vehicles, $0.54M vests one-time, $3.5M TSTF, $9.5M small business, $7M digital equity, with $15.54M CMPD reallocation and grants). Earlier, we unveiled the Transit Safety Task Force (TSTF) for the Blue Line, officer vehicles/vests, and CCSA/CONS to bridge 304 Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (CMPD) vacancies. Cops & Barbers with the North Carolina Local Barbershop Association (NCLBA) targets a 15% trust increase.

“As Charlotteans head to the polls, they must ask themselves, ‘Do I feel safer than I did two or four years ago?’ Most can’t honestly say yes, and the current mayor has not presented even a concept of a plan. My vision delivers results now.”

What’s Next This Week

Follow our updates:

• Friday: Violence prevention with CONS and youth programs.

• Saturday: Building trust through Cops & Barbers at Blue Line stations.

• Sunday: Vote for a safer Charlotte.

Join us on social media (@MaginnisForMayor on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok) or call 704-576-2887. Visit www.maginnisformayor.org to view the plan.

Subscribe now

Join the Movement

Jobs mean safer streets for all. Subscribe to our Substack for updates and help build a thriving Charlotte.

Brendan K. Maginnis is a Marine veteran, former financial planner, and father of three, running for mayor to bring practical, community-focused solutions.

#SaferCharlotte #EconomicEquity #MaginnisForMayor #CharlotteSafety

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Charlotte’s transit system, including the LYNX Blue Line operated by the Charlotte Area Transit System (CATS) , is essential for connecting our neighborhoods, but rising crime around it is a growing concern. With an increase in violent crime in 2024 and at least five reported injuries on the Blue Line in 2025, our nearly 1,800 officers at the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (CMPD) are stretched thin, facing 304 vacancies. On Day 3 of our week-long rollout of my $40 million public safety plan, I’m highlighting how the Charlotte Community Safety Agency (CCSA) and Charlotte Office of Neighborhood Safety (CONS) pilots will bridge these vacancies, reduce officer workload on transit, and create a safer city for all 892,000 residents. Join me to explore these innovative solutions and see what’s coming next this week.

The Challenge of Vacancies and Transit Crime

CMPD’s 304 vacancies mean our officers are handling over 1 million calls annually, with transit-related incidents adding to the strain. The rise in violent crime in 2024, including at least five Blue Line injuries in 2025, often occurs during evening hours when 60% of such incidents happen. Only 40% of Charlotteans felt safe last year, according to state surveys. Our CCSA and CONS pilots directly tackle this by shifting non-violent tasks away from officers, allowing them to focus on high-priority transit safety, while building community trust.

Charlotte Community Safety Agency: A Bridge for Non-Violent Calls

Inspired by Albuquerque’s model, our $10 million CCSA deploys 30 civilian responders to handle 20% of non-violent transit calls, like mental health or homelessness issues, by 2026. Twenty responders cover peak hours (6-9 a.m., 5-8 p.m.), and ten focus on evenings (5-11 p.m.) and weekends, reducing officer workload and cutting response times for serious crimes by 15% by 2027. Funded by CMPD budget reallocation, this bridges vacancies, ensuring our nearly 1,800 officers can prioritize violent incidents on the Blue Line. Partners like the Mecklenburg County Health Department ensure responders are trained for compassionate support, fostering safer transit and stronger community ties.

Charlotte Office of Neighborhood Safety: Preventing Violence Before It Starts

Modeled on Richmond’s 80% homicide reduction, our $5 million CONS hires 30 interrupters from high-risk communities to mediate conflicts in underserved neighborhoods and around Blue Line stations, targeting evening spikes. By connecting at-risk individuals to services like job training through Charlotte Works , CONS aims to reduce gun-related homicides by 20% by 2028. This pilot eases CMPD’s load by preventing calls before they happen, bridging vacancies and allowing officers to focus on enforcement. With partners like the University of Chicago Crime Lab , CONS builds trust, addressing disparities like 3.89 times higher arrest rates for Black residents.

A Comprehensive Plan

CCSA and CONS are part of our $40 million plan to make Charlotte safer. Yesterday, we detailed officer support with take-home vehicles ($12 million) and outer carrier vests ($0.54 million). The Mayor’s Racial Equity Initiative (MREI) invests $32 million in 2,000 jobs to reduce poverty-driven crime, while Cops & Barbers with the North Carolina Local Barbershop Association (NCLBA) aims for a 15% trust increase.

“As Charlotteans head to the polls, they must ask themselves, ‘Do I feel safer than I did two or four years ago?’ Most can’t honestly say yes, and the current mayor has not presented even a concept of a plan. My vision delivers results now.”

What’s Next This Week

Follow our daily updates:

• Thursday: Economic opportunity through MREI, creating jobs to reduce transit crime.

• Friday: Violence prevention with CONS and youth programs, targeting evening safety.

• Saturday: Building trust through Cops & Barbers pop-ups at Blue Line stations.

• Sunday: A call to vote for a safer Charlotte, recapping our vision.

Join us on social media (@MaginnisForMayor on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok, Bluesky) or call 704-576-2887. Visit www.maginnisformayor.org to download the plan.

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By bridging vacancies with CCSA and CONS, we’re creating safer transit and a stronger CMPD. Subscribe to our Substack for daily updates this week, and let’s build a safer Charlotte together.

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Brendan K. Maginnis is a Marine veteran, former financial planner, and father of three, running for mayor to bring practical, community-focused solutions.

#SaferCharlotte #CLTStrong #MaginnisForMayor #CharlotteSafety

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Charlotte’s nearly 1,800 officers at the Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police Department (CMPD) are the backbone of our city’s safety, patrolling streets and transit lines like the LYNX Blue Line, operated by the Charlotte Area Transit System (CATS). But with 304 officer vacancies and a rise in violent crime in 2024, including at least five injuries on the Blue Line in 2025, our officers need better tools to respond faster and stay safe. On Day 2 of our week-long rollout of my $40 million public safety plan, I’m detailing how $12 million for take-home vehicles and $540,000 for outer carrier vests will boost CMPD morale, speed up transit responses, and make Charlotte safer for all 892,000 residents. Join me to learn how we’re empowering our officers and what’s next this week.

Supporting Our Officers

CMPD’s nearly 1,800 officers face immense pressure, handling over 1 million calls annually while grappling with 304 vacancies—down from 374 in 2023 but still a challenge. Transit crime, up 3% in 2024, demands faster responses, especially during evening hours when 60% of incidents occur. Only 40% of Charlotteans felt safe last year, per state surveys, and officer morale is critical to changing that. My plan invests $12 million to provide take-home vehicles for every officer, ensuring they can respond to Blue Line incidents in minutes, not hours. These vehicles increase visibility, deterring crime in transit corridors like South End, and signal our commitment to CMPD, aiming to fill 80% of vacancies by 2028.

Outer carrier vests, funded at $540,000, replace bulky traditional uniforms, reducing officer injuries by 10% (based on national studies) and improving comfort during long shifts. Comfortable officers are more engaged, building trust with riders and communities. Together, these tools enhance CMPD’s ability to tackle transit crime, like the five reported Blue Line injuries this year, while boosting morale to retain and recruit talent. Funded through CMPD’s $301 million budget reallocation (non-essential equipment like surplus tactical gear) and $3 million in Department of Justice grants, this investment delivers results without raising taxes.

Comprehensive Plan

Vehicles and vests are part of our $40 million plan to make Charlotte safer. Yesterday, we unveiled the $3.5 million Transit Safety Task Force (TSTF) , adding 200 cameras and 30 civilian responders to secure the Blue Line. The Mayor’s Racial Equity Initiative (MREI) invests $32 million in 2,000 jobs to reduce poverty-driven crime, while the Charlotte Office of Neighborhood Safety (CONS) targets a 20% homicide drop. Programs like Cops & Barbers, with the North Carolina Local Barbershop Association (NCLBA) , address disparities (3.89 times higher Black arrest rates) for a 15% trust score increase. “As Charlotteans head to the polls, they must ask themselves, ‘Do I feel safer than I did two or four years ago?’ Most can’t honestly say yes, and the current mayor has not presented even a concept of a plan. My vision delivers results now.”

What’s Next This Week

Follow our daily updates:

• Wednesday: Community-driven solutions with CCSA and CONS.

• Thursday: MREI’s job creation to reduce transit crime.

• Friday: Violence prevention with CONS and youth programs.

• Saturday: Trust-building via Cops & Barbers program.

• Sunday: Vote for a safer Charlotte.

Join us on social media (@MaginnisForMayor on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok).

Join the Movement

Our officers deserve the tools to keep transit safe. Subscribe to our Substack for daily updates and help build a stronger Charlotte.

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Brendan K. Maginnis is a Marine veteran, former financial planner, and father of three, running for mayor to bring practical, community-focused solutions.

#SaferCharlotte #CLTStrong #MaginnisForMayor #CharlotteSafety

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Charlotte’s LYNX Blue Line is a lifeline for our city, connecting communities from South End to Uptown and beyond. But with a 3% rise in violent crime in 2024 and at least five reported injuries on the Blue Line this year alone, too many residents hesitate to ride, fearing for their safety. As your Democratic candidate for mayor, I’m launching a $40 million public safety plan to make transit—and all of Charlotte—safer, starting with a bold $3.5 million Transit Safety Task Force (TSTF) to combat rising crime head-on. Today, on Day 1 of our week-long rollout, I’m unveiling how we’ll secure our transit system and preview what’s coming next to ensure a safer, stronger Charlotte for all 892,000 of us.

Why Transit Safety Matters

Charlotte’s transit system is vital, but safety concerns are real. In 2024, violent crime across the city rose 3%, with homicides spiking 24.7% (111 cases compared to 89 in 2023). The Blue Line has seen troubling incidents, including at least five injuries in 2025, often during evening hours when 60% of transit-related violence occurs. Only 40% of Charlotteans felt safe last year, and that’s unacceptable. Our $3.5 million TSTF directly addresses these challenges, ensuring every rider feels secure, day or night.

The Transit Safety Task Force: A Game-Changer

Our TSTF is built to restore confidence in the Blue Line with three core components:

• High-Tech Security: By mid-2026, we’ll install 200 high-definition cameras across Blue Line stations, integrated with CMPD’s real-time crime center. These cameras deter crime and provide critical evidence, addressing gaps in current surveillance that hinder investigations.

• 24/7 Civilian Responders: With CMPD facing 304 officer vacancies among its nearly 1,800 officers, our Charlotte Community Safety Agency (CCSA) will deploy 30 civilian responders to patrol stations. Twenty cover peak hours (6-9 a.m., 5-8 p.m.), and ten focus on evenings (5-11 p.m.) and weekends, when violence spikes. These responders handle non-violent calls, freeing officers for serious crimes.

• Empowered Operators: We’ll train 50 Charlotte Area Transit System (CATS) operators in de-escalation and conflict mediation by 2026, equipping them to defuse tensions before they escalate.

Funded by $2.5 million in CMPD budget reallocation (from non-essential equipment like surplus tactical gear) and $1 million in Federal Transit Administration grants, the TSTF targets a 15% reduction in transit-related violent incidents and a 10% increase in rider safety perception by 2028, as measured by CATS surveys.

A Broader Vision for Safety

The TSTF is just one piece of our $40 million public safety plan, designed to tackle crime’s root causes and support our officers. We’re expanding proven programs like the Mayor’s Racial Equity Initiative (MREI), investing $32 million to create 2,000 jobs in transit corridors like South End, reducing poverty-driven crime (11.9% poverty rate) and aiming for a 10% median income increase by 2028. Our Charlotte Office of Neighborhood Safety (CONS) will hire 30 interrupters to prevent violence, targeting a 20% drop in gun-related homicides. For our nearly 1,800 CMPD officers, we’re providing take-home vehicles ($12 million) for faster transit responses and outer carrier vests ($540,000) to reduce injuries by 10%, boosting morale and filling 80% of vacancies by 2028. Programs like Cops & Barbers will build trust, addressing disparities (3.89 times higher arrest rates for Black residents) and aiming for a 15% trust score increase.

A Call to Voters

As Charlotteans head to the polls, they must ask themselves, “Do I feel safer than I did two or four years ago?” Most can’t honestly say yes, and the current mayor has not presented even a concept of a plan. My vision delivers results now—a safer transit system, supported officers, and thriving communities. But this is just the start.

What’s Next This Week

Join us all week as we roll out the full plan:

• Tuesday: How take-home vehicles and vests empower CMPD for faster, safer transit responses.

• Wednesday: Community-driven solutions with CCSA and CONS, easing officer workloads.

• Thursday: Economic opportunity through MREI, creating jobs to reduce transit crime.

• Friday: Violence prevention with CONS and youth programs, targeting evening safety.

• Saturday: Building trust through Cops & Barbers pop-ups at Blue Line stations.

• Sunday: A call to vote for a safer Charlotte, recapping our vision.

Follow us on social media (@MaginnisForMayor on Facebook, X, Instagram, TikTok) for live events, videos, and ways to get involved.

Visit www.maginnisformayor.org/safety to download the full plan or call 704-576-2887 to share your ideas.

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Join the Movement

Charlotte deserves a transit system that’s a sanctuary for all. Our plan turns fear into confidence, ensuring every rider feels safe. Subscribe to our Substack for daily updates this week, and let’s build a safer, stronger Charlotte together.

Brendan K. Maginnis is a Marine veteran, former financial planner, and father of three, running for mayor to bring practical, community-focused solutions to Charlotte’s 892,000 residents.

#SaferCharlotte #TransitSafeCLT #MaginnisForMayor #CharlotteSafety
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Charlotte families face childcare costs averaging $12,000 per year, consuming 20–30% of household income and limiting economic opportunities. Brendan K. Maginnis’ $44 million childcare plan www.maginnisformayor.org/childcare-plan delivers a comprehensive revolution, saving families $3,000–$15,000 annually, ensuring quality care, and boosting Charlotte’s economy by $500 million through increased workforce participation. This week, we’ve explored expanded pre-K, cost-sharing, subsidies, and after-school programs. Today, we highlight a critical innovation not yet covered: the Childcare Workforce Training Program, strengthening care quality and access for all.

Week in Review: A Comprehensive Childcare Plan

Maginnis’ plan transforms childcare across Charlotte:

• MECK Pre-K Expansion (Day 2): Adds 1,000+ pre-K slots for 4-year-olds, saving families $10,000–$15,000 yearly

• Charlotte 3-K (Day 3): Provides free pre-K for 3-year-olds, serving 1,500+ kids in high-need areas.

• Charlotte Tri-Share (Day 4): Splits childcare costs three ways, saving 2,000+ families $3,000–$7,000.

• Subsidies (Day 5): Saves 3,000+ families $5,000–$10,000 with expanded funding .

• Alternatives to Violence Expansion (Day 6): Extends YAP®’s program with after-school care for 2,000+ kids, reducing violent crime by 15% .

These initiatives support low-income and middle-class families, and improve child outcomes by 12–15% .

Childcare Workforce Training: A New Innovation

A key innovation not covered this week is the Childcare Workforce Training Program, addressing Charlotte’s provider shortage (25% vacancy rate, per NC DCDEE). This $2 million initiative trains and certifies 500+ childcare workers annually, offering free courses in early childhood education, safety, and child development at local colleges and community centers. Modeled on successful programs like North Carolina’s T.E.A.C.H. Early Childhood , it increases teacher retention by 20% and ensures high-quality care. By supporting workers with living wages and credentials, it expands access to reliable childcare, benefiting 5,000+ kids by 2028 and strengthening Charlotte’s care infrastructure.

Impact on Charlotte

This plan saves families $3,000–$15,000 yearly, enabling parents to work and invest in their futures. Kids gain from quality care, with 15% better academic and social outcomes. The workforce training program ensures sustainable, high-quality care, while after-school programs reduce crime by 15%. Together, these efforts boost Charlotte’s economy by $500 million annually, fostering equity in underserved communities.

Funding Overview

The $44 million plan, including $2 million for workforce training from local grants and The Leon Levine Foundation , is supported by partners like Bank of America, Truist, and CCDBG, ensuring robust backing for Charlotte’s families.

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• Share: Partner with Childcare Strong to advocate for quality childcare! Post this article!

• Engage: Comment with #CharlotteChildcare #CLT4Kids #MaginnisForMayor #QueenCityFamilies #AffordableChildcare #ChildcareForAll to rally for families.

• Follow: Maginnis for Mayor (Facebook, Instagram, TikTok), Maginnis4Mayor (X).

  
  Link: www.maginnisformayor.org/childcare-plan

How will Maginnis’ childcare plan help your family? Share below!

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